“The virus and its consequences will eventually be resolved. Far more ominous for the future of our country is the war described in the pages of this book.”
Thus David Horowitz, in a note penned as this book went to press, anticipated this question: how will Trump meet the challenge of the virus-predicated lockdown, now aggravated by the Left’s violent (and lockdown-undermining) assault on America’s institutions?
A few days after Blitz: Trump Will Smash the Left and Win was published, the answer came: millions of jobs were created in May 2020, more than any analyst predicted. (They predicted job losses.) That would have been impossible had the economy’s fundamentals not been as sound as they were in early March—which they wouldn’t have been had Trump not been at the helm of state for the preceding three Marches.
Following up his best-selling Big Agenda: President Trump’s Plan to Save America, Horowitz surveys the landscape of Trump’s vindication, recording the genuine (i.e., anti-“progressive”) progress America has made in the face of past onslaughts and those that threaten us a season away from the general election.
For divide, sabotage, resist is the battle plan of the anti-American contingent we call the Left. Truth means nothing to them; power, everything. They align with every movement that holds out the promise of “transforming” America: environmentalism, Islam, solicitude for criminals (homegrown or foreign trespassers).
The English word “blitz” contracts the German Blitzkrieg, “lightning war,” which entered our vocabulary during the Second World War. It makes for a snappier book title, but the reference to war should not be lost, given Horowitz’s own words.
“Traditionally [Horowitz notes] Democrats have approached politics as a form of war conducted by other means, while Republicans have entered the political arena as pragmatists and accountants. But the siege of Donald Trump has begun to create a new Republican Party, passionate and combative in defense of a leader they believe has stood up for them, and—equally important—who exceeds them in his appetite for combat. ‘Populism’ is the term political observers have drawn on to describe this phenomenon. The energy populism creates adds up to the blitz that is described in this book, and that has enabled him to overpower his opposition.”
By itself, of course, the German Blitz means “lightning,” suggesting the speed of the response. But speed is not to the point: Trump’s counterpunching is, and that’s what Horowitz shines a Klieg light on.
For three years, Trump’s supporters have put up with what Blitz chronicles: the vicious innuendos against, potty-mouthed slanders of, and outright lies about the man they put in the White House. Feigning fear he wouldn’t accept the results of the 2016 election, Leftists in the academedia complex have demonstrated repeatedly that they wouldn’t and didn’t.
There’s nothing so vile they won’t impute to him, his family, and those who work for him. Modeling a derangement syndrome not yet listed in the Physicians’ Desk Reference, Democrats project onto him the defects they major in. Trump has survived a battery of personal attacks that would have felled lesser men. It’s useful to have its details arrayed compactly in one place. Even those familiar with them need to be reminded of them.
Passing in review are the stages of the coup that began even before its object materialized: from its inception in the counterintelligence effort against Trump and his campaign (which only Obama’s White House could have authorized), with every vendor of mainstream opinion cheering it on; the rival-financed foreign intelligence, even as foreign collusion was imputed to him; the predicateless FISA “investigations”; to the hysterical cries of “illegitimacy” and the importuning of electors to be faithless; the Mueller “investigation,” whose “investigators” knew they had no foundation; through the Ukrainian phone call fiasco, to the impeachment farce that distracted Washington from the Beijing-spawned and -spread virus that became a global pandemic.
Horowitz reminds readers of the reputation Trump enjoyed long before he announced his candidacy: the businessman who kept an eye on how the world in which he made his fortune works, who never hesitated to voice his disgust with the way the New York’s liberal establishment (of which he had been arguably a member in good standing) ran his city and country (that is, into the ground). The promoter (and terminator) of a string of apprentices was a pop icon, a favorite of the very people who now vilify him.
Given his record of success, however, especially among African Americans—criminal justice reform (now undoing the mass-incarcerating effects of the legislation Joe Biden co-wrote), the First Step Act, Opportunity Zones, record low unemployment, and so on—the Black column holding up the edifice of vilification is cracking. If it crumbles, costing the Democrats another ten percent of the Black vote, it’s over for them. (For details, see my Amazon review of Robinson and Eberle’s Coming Home: How Black Americans Will Re-Elect Trump.) No wonder the Left is going berserk on all platforms, all issues, throwing everything against the wall to see what, if anything will stick. So far, nothing has.
For those who like numbered lists, Horowitz appends two. The first is “The Nine Biggest Dangers to America from the Anti-Trump Left”: Resistance; Identity Politics; Open Borders; Green Communism; Communist Health Care; Support for Criminals and Contempt for the Law; Hostility to Religious Liberty and the First Amendment; Support for America’s Enemies; and Attack on America’s Heritage.
The second: “The Top Ten Lies the Democrats Have Told You.” Each charge is reversible, and Horowitz reverses them all, concisely and unanswerably: Republicans Are Racists; Democrats Care About Minorities; Republicans Betrayed the Constitution; Democrats Care About Minorities; Slavery and Racism Are America’s True Heritage; The Iran Deal Prevented Iran from Getting Nuclear Weapons; Donald Trump Colluded with the Russians; Republicans Are Religious Bigots; The “Green New Deal” Is Scandinavian Socialism; Israel Occupies Palestine; Single-Payer Health Care Is a Human Right. Even Trumpistas who think they know how to refute these canards will benefit from Horowitz’s refresher course. (For instance, this reviewer.)
“From the beginning of the Resistance to Trump,” as Horowitz concludes Blitz, “Democrat attacks on the president have been attac
ks on America’s foundations: resistance to the results of a fair and free election; abetting a deep state coup to undermine the presidency, and the pursuit of a transparently sham impeachment. All this added up to a campaign of baseless slanders against the nation’s commander-in-chief, worthy of America’s most determined enemies. Collectively these constitute the greatest crime against America committed by its own citizens since the Civil War.”
This November Americans will have an opportunity to repel those attacks. Blitz: Trump Will Smash the Left and Win provides an armamentarium for the counterattack.
Part of an uncommonly good thread. Here is the entry to which the thread attaches.
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Anon,
My point was that many short comments are better than one long one.
One problem here is that I tossed out a word, 'tribalism,' but did not define it. What's worse is that I used it very loosely. Mea culpa. It is a stretch to think of women as a 'tribe.'
Perhaps we have a 'family' of tribalisms: racial, sexual, etc.
Now I'll take a stab at a definition:
I'm Caucasian as you may have guessed. But when I get up in the morning I don't look into the mirror and affirm: I am a white man! This is who I am most fundamentally. This is what makes me be ME. This fact is what constitutes my innermost identity and is that attribute upon which my value as a person primarily supervenes.
I am therefore not a racial tribalist by my definition. This is not to say that I am not white or that being white is not a part of WHAT I am, namely an animal, a bit of the world's fauna. Indeed, insofar as I am an animal, it is arguable that I am essentially (as opposed to accidentally) white if we grant Kripke's point about the essentiality of origin: if I could not have had parents other than the parents I in fact have, then, given that both are white, I could not have failed to be white. So I am essentially white.
But is it essential to WHO I am that I be white? (Related question: Are persons reducible to objects in the natural world?)
Now in my definition above there is the phrase "member of the race of which he happens to be a member" which suggests that it is a contingent fact about me that I am white. There is the animal that bears my name, an animal that is essentially white. But there is a sense, brought out by Thomas Nagel in various writings, in which I am contingently the animal I am. I am contingently an animal that is essentially white.
But now we are drifting towards some very deep waters.